What West Kingston proves

Ian Boyne, Contributor

IN THE same weekend that Minister of Finance and Planning Dr. Omar Davies went to the nation to brag about the number of international institutions and agencies which have commented favourably on Jamaica's economic achievements, his message was shot by blazing guns in West Kingston which concentrated the nation's attention away from the macroeconomy.

What's the use having a great economy if you are not alive to enjoy it?

The week's turmoil in Jamaica should be enough to prove my thesis that Jamaica's fundamental crisis is cultural-sociological, not economic.

And for those who doubted the fragility of an economic superstructure not bolstered by a strong foundation of supporting cultural values, the recent terror of West Kingston should make them think again. We must not be side-tracked by the peripheral or even the substantial issues which are not at the heart of the crisis.

There is nothing besides football which gives us a sense of common purpose. This is the tragedy of Jamaica, not simply our years of negative growth. For any growth that we were predicting for this fiscal years is surely threatened by the mayhem and anarchy which erupted not just in West Kingston, but all over the Corporate Area.

Many people sense that what is missing is this sense of unity; the sense of being part of a larger cause; the sense of nationhood. Derek Jones was wailing with Wilmot Perkins that we need to put Jamaica first. Others were saying the same thing. Damien King put it poignantly on the "Breakfast Club" radio programme on Thursday morning: What is the sense of P.J. Patterson and Edward Seaga meeting if they don't trust each other?

"The major problem is that of trust," he said.

Dismal

When I hear an economist, a member of the dismal profession, speaking like that, I nurture a sense of hope that we can somehow grapple with what is the fundamental problem, after all.

If you don't address this fundamental problem of the lack of trust, the difficulty in forging win-win situations and our disastrously poor conflict resolution skills, all the power of civil society will be dissipated. It is one thing for the powerful private sector people to force Mr. Patterson and Mr. Seaga into one room.

But unity and uniformity is not the same thing. The men can respond because of public pressure and as a political compromise, but if their hearts are not in it, all the work of the PSOJ, Jamaicans for Justice, the trade unions and the churches will be in vain.

This lack of trust is what is the greatest present and clear danger to Jamaica. The people don't trust the security forces and, therefore, we cannot unite to overcome the criminals. While many of the criminals are seen in video clips walking in step and working harmoniously, the society is bitterly torn apart and divided on how to deal with these wretched criminals.

How can we restore law and order when substantial sections of the Jamaican people and highly influential opinion-makers believe that what is seen as the constituted authorities for law and order are themselves a threat to law and order? Mr. Perkins is saying openly that the law of self-preservation is a basic law of nature and that if the state cannot protect the people in the inner cities they have a natural right to defend themselves. When as a society you have reached a stage where a leading commentator can hold such a position and get support for it then you know we are teetering on the brink of anarchy.

I am interested in peace and "law and order", but what about justice? Which again underscores the point that the divisions in the society are so deep and sore that there is no common point at which the various perspectives or minds can meet.

A most important speech, which got no publicity, was given by Sir John Goddard at the Le Meridien Jamaica Pegasus Hotel during "Exporters Week" in mid-June. It looked at the Barbadian.

Sir John talked about the years of economic crisis in Barbados. In I990, I991 and I992 the economy declined 3.3 per cent, 4.5 per cent, five per cent. In I991 foreign reserves were just down to a week's cover. Unemploy-ment reached 25 per cent. The Government entered an IMF programme which saw cuts in civil servants salaries and halted public works programmes. Sir John showed how a social partnership agreement was brokered in the midst of the economic and social crisis.

"Emotions were running high and the temperature of the rhetoric was rising on all a sides. However such feelings and behaviour could not provide the basis for the permanent solution to the nation's problems. Sectoral interests had to give rise to national interests". This is what this country has not shown a capacity for.

Grand schemes

In the midst of the Barbadian economic crisis, Sir John told the exporters: "As has happened so many times in our history Barbadians realised that they would have to rely on ­ their great love for their country." This is what Jamaicans lack. All of the JLP's grand economic schemes will mean nothing if tourists and investors are scared to come into the island.

For make no mistake about it: The People's National Party (PNP) has the capacity to "mash it up", too if they decide to sabotage an incoming JLP administration. And because the rest of the society is polarised and there is no centre, no common bond, no ideal which can pull all of us together, the PNP could get away with it and this jeopardise any economic success under the JLP. Besides, the thousands who live in abject poverty and deprivation in the ghettoes will not be rescued overnight by economic growth. If we don't find a way to have them buy into something outside of their stomachs, then be prepared for many more weeks like the last one.

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