Buddan
Robert Buddan, Contributor
WE MUST ponder the reasons for failed and successful political leadership as we try to find the right formula for the road ahead. Mr. Patterson came close to political failure to then occupy the centre stage of Jamaican politics since the 1990s. The politics of unity, which he stands for, rests on a successful model of bi-partisanship and that in turn, requires the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), to overcome its own failure of leadership.
FACING FAILURE
When Michael Manley was about to retire in 1992, five persons were identified by the media as possible successors. Carl Stone wrote: "Patterson is by far the weakest of the alternatives. If he were to get the leadership of the PNP, Seaga would chew him up at the polls." As things have turned out, it has been Mr. Patterson who has been doing all the chewing. Mr. Patterson himself responded in an interview with Carl Wint: "I don't believe that anybody in the Labour Party feels that P.J. Patterson is easy game."
At that time, the PNP was behind the JLP in the polls. Mr. Patterson would not be taking over at an advantageous time. He was undergoing a personal political crisis as well, having resigned from the Cabinet over the "Shell Waiver" issue. He therefore had to come from behind in two ways - to win the party leadership and to win a new term for the PNP.
Some in the press had no longer considered him the front-runner in the race to be party leader. Carl Stone's polls had shown Portia Simpson Miller to have 42 per cent of the support across the country, including more backing among PNP and JLP supporters as well as the uncommitted. Mr. Patterson trailed with 24 per cent.
THE ALTERNATIVE
The alternative to Mr. Patterson was a troika of Mrs. Simpson Miller, Hugh Small and D.K. Duncan. Dr. Duncan had offered himself as a candidate in his own right and Mr. Small all but did the same. Stone proposed a formula where one of the three would lead and among the three, Mrs. Simpson Miller would take primary responsibility for social policy, Mr. Small for economic policy and Dr. Duncan for party organisation.
He found no place for Mr. Patterson. Even some who did see a place for Mr. Patterson could only allow him dual leadership with Mrs. Simpson Miller. However, the party constitution did not allow this.
Stone's own preference was for Portia Simpson Miller. He reasoned that, "The PNP needs a leader who can galvanise its energies, re-motivate its grassroots support and rekindle confidence in the country where apathy and leadership distrust prevail. Only Portia Simpson in the PNP offers this hand of leadership that can challenge the party to transform itself into a vibrant and vital force giving hope again to the masses the way Michael did."
PATTERSON'S CASE
Mr. Patterson however, had reasons to count himself in the race. In the Carl Wint interview he remarked, "A number of my colleagues at the officer level, in the present Cabinet, in the Parliamentary Group, a number of constituencies, and councillors' groups, have expressed to me at various times and recently their view that in all the circumstances, I am the most likely to lead and best suited to continue the leadership of the Party."
He even received commendation from an unlikely source, Dawn Ritch. Pointing out that she and Mr. Patterson had dated and that she therefore knew him well, Ms. Ritch wrote that "-he is mediocre - in comparison to Michael Manley - but he has something which few politicians have - that I've seen up close - and that is character." She admired Mr. Patterson's philosophical tolerance of different views and the fact that he enjoyed opposing views (as Michael Manley did). She felt that Mrs. Simpson Miller was fortunate because, win or lose, Mr. Patterson would respect her for her independence and spirit.
Even Carl Stone admitted that Mr. Patterson would provide stable leadership and continuity. Mr. Patterson himself felt that he was a worthy candidate because of three qualities he had or stood for: leadership that could unite the party, provide for debate and internal democracy and bring campaign experience to the party.
PATTERSON'S COME-BACK
It was these qualities that brought Mr. Patterson from behind to take over the party leadership and to take the party ahead of the JLP. Mr. Patterson was chairman of the party's campaign committee. He was already a seasoned campaigner going back to 1959. He was Michael Manley's successful campaign manager when Manley was seeking the party leadership in 1969. He himself won a position as Vice President of the PNP when Michael won the presidency.
Although the PNP was slightly behind the JLP in the polls, the party was catching up under Mr. Patterson's campaign. Just as he had asked Maxine Henry Wilson and Paul Robertson to take time off from their ministries and start campaigning for 2002, Mr. Patterson's leave from the Cabinet in 1992 gave him time to crank up the PNP machinery. His role in this was to win him credit in the party.Mr. Patterson also had the parliamentary wing of the party behind him, as he had said. Portia Simpson Miller had Hugh Small, Danny Buchanan, Peter Bunting, D.K Duncan and Horace Dalley on her side.
Mr. Patterson pretty much had the rest with Carlyle Dunkley as his campaign manager. He had surmised and was proven right that the majority of the constituency delegates favoured him as well.Carl Wint was right when he said, "What the party will be looking for is someone who can take the party into the next general elections and indeed, into the 21st Century." Mr. Patterson has done just that. He won the delegates vote in March with 2,322 to Mrs. Simpson-Miller's 756. In the end, it was a convincing victory.
Things turned around from there. By the time the October polls came out the PNP had taken the lead with Mr. Patterson as party president and prime minister. By March 1993, Mr. Patterson had won general elections in his own right. Having come so close to losing the party leadership and seeing the PNP lose after just one term, Mr. Patterson has remained beyond challenge since and won three terms of his own. From possibly being the first one-term prime minister he has become the first three-term prime minister.
THE NEW AGENDA
Mr. Patterson has been able to fulfil his mandate as party leader. He has kept the party remarkably united, kept its internal democracy alive and applied his campaign experience to good effect. What he now promises is to unite the country. There is much in our political history and constitution to suggest that Jamaica's founding principle for political stability and unity was designed to rest upon the co-operation of our party leaders since the life of parties and Parliament in the early days was uncertain.
Troy Caine points out that in 1940 Alexander Bustamante, at a public meeting, said, "If Mr. Manley co-operates with me as I will with him... we will do something for this country. I will say without boast that there is no greater power in this country than the combination of Manley and Bustamante." Caine continued to say that, "they remained political rivals based on mutual respect and admiration for 25 years. They were opponents but not enemies. They were committed to democratic ideals as evidenced by Manley's statement welcoming another political party. He called it Bustamante's greatest contribution to democracy."
The party system was founded on this idea of co-operation within a system of competition. In her published diaries, Edna Manley commented on the faith that Manley and Bustamante kept between them and which she had seen between Michael Manley and Hugh Shearer as well. She found that the faith was broken when Mr. Seaga took over the JLP's leadership.
How can the political system return to its foundation? Our formula must be suited to our times and the personalities and styles of our leaders today, the parties, Parliament and political culture of the society. Leadership must be willing and able. Mr. Seaga can only be able if his supporters are willing to have him lead for another five years. This is the flaw in the present formula. Mr. Patterson cannot speak for unity alone.
The JLP must take up Bustamante's call under whichever leader is best committed to it. But it must do so under someone who is widely recognised as being in a position to speak for the JLP, and who can do so over the medium to long term.
Robert Buddan is a lecturer in the Department of Government, UWI. E-mail: rbuddan@uwimona.edu.jm
