Garth Rattray | Democratic Socialism then and now (Part 2)

When the Michael Manley government introduced Democratic Socialism, the Cold War was still at its peak, and the nervous tremors of missing a nuclear holocaust by the skin of our teeth hung heavily in the air. This made anything associated with ‘socialism’ (which many thought was communism in sheep’s clothing) forbidden fruit.

Jamaican citizens retained vivid memories of the day when World War III almost began a few miles off our pristine shores. As fate would have it, the launch of that deadly nuclear missile required unanimity among the senior staff on the Soviet B-59 submarine. The captain, the political officer, and the flotilla commander had to agree to the launch. The captain and political officer agreed, but Second-in-Command and Flotilla Commander, Vasily Aleksandrovich Arkhipov, disagreed and eventually convinced Captain Valentin Savitsky to surface and look around. Conflagration was that close!

The sentiments of the ‘free world’ of the 1970s aligned anything communist with evil, death, and destruction. This included socialist Cuba (run by a single communist political party). Cuba was labelled as part of the communist bloc, led by the Soviet Union. Despite its restrictions on free political choice and freedom in general, there were many aspects of Cuba’s treatment of its citizens that attracted Manley. He sought friendship and counsel from Cuban leader Fidel Castro.

Some people recall Manley’s famous declaration, “I will walk with Fidel to the mountain top.” He used the “mountain top” metaphor to announce his deep solidarity with Fidel Castro and the Cuban people in their common struggle against imperialism and in their effort towards Caribbean self-reliance. Perhaps the statement was made out of frustration and resentment at the international and local powers that sought to stymie democratic socialism. He wanted to announce his tenacity of purpose.

It certainly didn’t help that others believed that he said, “I will walk hand in hand with Fidel Castro to the mountain top”. The small but very effective dimensional shift in nuance took that simple statement to the next level. It transformed the relationship between Michael Manley and Fidel Castro into a bromance. The impression was that Manley embraced him with fervour and no longer simply sat at the feet of Gamaliel. In other words, he was no longer just the personal student of a highly esteemed, authoritative master.

In the 1970s, fear of Socialism and Communism was so rampant that the entire capitalist West breathed down Manley’s neck. The United States saw this as an ideological invasion of its so-called Monroe backyard. The 1823 Monroe Doctrine asserted that the Americas were forbidden territory for outside interference of any kind.

To many, Manley’s repeated, strident assertion that Jamaica would always be a democratic country with free and fair elections and civil liberties seemed to ring hollow, because some from disenfranchised communities and some from the working class whispered loudly that they were preparing to occupy rooms in luxury upper-St Andrew homes, as was done during the Cuban Revolution.

Adding a volatile accelerant to the flames of fear and despair were the PNP ‘Brigadistas’, the name given to the Jamaica-Cuba Youth Construction Programme. The stated intent was to employ modern construction techniques, agricultural practices, and community leadership to involve young Jamaican students and workers in our national development.

While in training at Cuban government-run camps, the Brigadistas were outfitted in the classic Cuban-style utilitarian workwear. This led to the belief that they were not participating in cultural and educational programmes but were instead being secretly indoctrinated and trained as paramilitary revolutionaries.

The United States openly expressed its angst towards Manley’s government. It reflected the broader Cold War anxieties. American officials feared that Jamaica could become another socialist-oriented state in the Caribbean. The anti-imperialist rhetoric, the closer ties with Cuba, and the clearly signalled shift away from Western capitalism precipitated fears of Soviet influence throughout the region.

The unhinged, unrestrained, unprecedented, and unabated flight of human resources and capital continued until it severely weakened our economy. Adding insult to injury was the fact that a large percentage of the beneficiaries of Manley’s free education programme also took flight and, in so doing, never contributed (gave back) to the society that sacrificed so much to educate them.

Finally, two communist political parties emerged and appeared to be allies of the Manley government. Because of this development, many who were avid supporters of the Manley Democratic Socialism model made a taciturn turn and seriously pondered whether we were indeed going from orange to red. Naturally, the Opposition exploited the situation, and the vast majority of the remaining Jamaican citizens looked to them to literally save the nation from monstrous Communism.

Despite the many sensible and admirable social reforms and laws designed to uplift and protect the underprivileged and working class that still exist today, we have never gotten over the maligned, demonic-sounding “Democratic Socialism” experiment. Its demise was hastened by internal and global pressure, with resultant economic hardships.

Several well-entrenched, confident, and accepted leaders in developed countries campaign under the Democratic Socialism banner, using more palatable terms for the political model. They include “social democracy”, “worker-owned systems”, “progressive policies”, “expanded social programming”, “economic democracy”, and “wealth sharing”.

Nowadays, democratic socialists seek to reduce inequality, expand educational opportunities, protect workers, and promote social justice, while accepting globalisation, foreign investment, and market capitalism. They regulate markets rather than fundamentally transform them.

Now, over 250 duly elected American politicians officially identify as Democratic Socialists. Awareness of global sentiments, incremental change, utilising existing economic structures, and widespread public support are everything.

Garth Rattray is a medical doctor with a family practice and author of ‘The Long and Short of Thick and Thin’. Send feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com and garthrattray@gmail.com.