Bruce Golding and Christopher 'Dudus' Coke

Delano Franklyn, Contributor

The Bruce Golding/ Christopher 'Dudus' Coke concatenation has, and will, continue to occupy public space for some time to come. Coke has become one of Golding's biggest nightmares. The entire situation could have been avoided if Golding had stuck to his promise to be 'new and different'. He did not.

He turned his back on his promise and now he, and tragically the country, are paying the price. Golding figured that, like other things, he could have sweet-talked his way through, his mix-up with Coke. He has always believed, certainly from as far back as 1995, that he can sweet-talk his way into and out of any and everything.

Having served the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) in many capacities, Golding, in 1995, sweet-talked his way into the National Democratic Movement (NDM). His mantra then was that he was 'new and different'. So new and different was he that he was prepared to put his years of JLP politics behind him and trod a new road. That road would be devoid of don-type politics. He would be resolute against 'badmanism'. He would bring down fire and brimstone on the heads of those who were alleged to be engaged in racketeering and the trafficking of unholy substances.

National Democratic Movement

Many believed him and followed him into the NDM. He named a shadow Cabinet consisting of some persons who fell for the trap. They issued news release after news release promoting the new Golding, as they positioned themselves in their new shadow portfolios. One well-known gentleman, at the time, caused a poll to be done. According to the pollster, the results showed that the NDM would either win the next election or would be the broker. With poll numbers in hand, the NDM lined up candidates in each constituency. Golding and his band of followers travelled the length and breadth of the country to try and break the jinx of defeat which has bedevilled more than 60 third parties since 1944.

Golding was promoted heavily in the media. He was rebranded as the redeemed politician. The saviour of Jamaica. The man who would lead the charge against 'garrisonisation' of the country's politics. The man who would stand as the buffer between all that was bad and that which was good about Jamaican politics. With this, he sweet-talked the NDM into the 1997 national election.

The NDM performed no differently from all third parties before it. It did not win one seat. All its candidates were rejected by the people. This included Golding. The main question, thereafter, was whether or not Golding had the guts, the stamina, to shepherd the NDM forces for the long haul.

By the year 2000, the NDM was sputtering, worse than it sputtered when it was formed five years earlier. All the candidates who thought that the Jamaican people would have, overnight, put them in charge of their destiny began to back-pedal. They realised that the Jamaican people do not suffer fools gladly. They learnt that, if they were to be elected by the people, they had to be with them, among them, in the trenches with them, and develop their trust.

Talks with JLP

By the end of that same year, those who remained in the leadership of the NDM, heard that Golding was having 'secret' talks with the JLP. Golding, when confronted, certainly by one top NDM member, denied it. By this time his 'new and different' sheen had begun to wear thin.

Later, when pressed by the media, he confessed, "Yes," he said, "I am in dialogue with the JLP, but I will return only when, and if, we have hammered out an 'agreement'." This 'agreement', according to Golding, would have a section which would commit the JLP to agree to move away from the 'old style' of politics. This included the 'degarrisonisation' of certain political enclaves. He did not say it, because now Chancellor and Distinguished Fellow Edward Seaga, then leader of the JLP, would have had none of it, but everyone thought that 'degarrisonisation' would also include Tivoli.

So, the secret agreement was hammered out. Golding had sweet-talked his way back into the JLP. He became the leader. But he had a problem. He had no constituency. However, in no time he was catapulted into west Kingston, the mother of all garrisons. He was now the member of parliament for Tivoli, the 'model community' built by Seaga. Golding, was now on the same turf as Dudus. The same Dudus whom Chancellor Seaga had listed as uncontrollable and had asked then commissioner of police, the late Trevor MacMillan, to rein in.

Golding's 'new and different' conversion would be severely tested. If Seaga could not control Dudus, how could he?

How would he deal with Tivoli Gardens, where Seaga, the former MP, would always run to its defence whenever the security forces decided to carry out normal and legitimate security activities in the area? How would Golding deal with a constituency which gave birth to the notoriously wicked Shower Posse? The country was poised for the battle of the titans - Golding versus Dudus, the man called 'The President'.

Extradition of Coke

Later, events would prove that Golding had no such desire. In 2005, the security forces decided to carry out an operation in Tivoli Gardens. Golding, in much the same way as Seaga, flew into a rage and dared the police officer in charge to carry out his lawful duty. All his talk about ridding our politics of donmanship and allowing the security forces to roam freely as they carry out their duties was just that - pure talk.

The JLP won the national election by the skin of its teeth in 2007. Golding became prime minister. By 2010, the United States (US) sought the extradition of Coke. Golding flew into a rage. He became the first and only prime minister to publicly dip his mouth into an extradition matter. He went to Parliament and told his minister of justice that if she signed the authority to proceed, she should also resign.

Golding also conspired with others in his party to recruit lobbyists in the US to mount a defence against the extradition proceedings. At times in Parliament, he sounded as if he was Coke's lawyer. Emboldened antisocial elements barricaded Tivoli, attacked police stations, and dared the security forces to come and get Coke.

The Opposition and civil society had to flex their collective muscles to get Golding to budge. Eventually, Coke was extradited. A commission of enquiry was established. Golding sought to sweet-talk his way out of the pickle in which he found himself. He spoke glowingly about upholding Coke's constitutional rights. The impression he conveyed was that the US was wrong to have sought Coke's extradition.

Coke has now pleaded guilty to one count of racketeering conspiracy, and one count of conspiracy to commit assault with a dangerous weapon. In return, the gun and cocaine charges have been dropped against him.

US prosecutors said: "For nearly two decades, Christopher Coke led a ruthless criminal enterprise that used fear, force, and intimidation to support its drug- and arms-trafficking business. He moved drugs and guns between Jamaica and the United States with impunity." This was the man Golding said that he was prepared to put his political career on the line for.

The Golding-Coke saga is one of the most shameful and humiliating in Jamaica's history. For nine months Golding and the JLP Government hijacked the extradition process. This resulted in near social anarchy, immeasurable economic damage and untold embarrassment for Jamaica in the international community.

Politics must never be mixed with criminality. If that happens, the possibility of criminals taking over politics is real, and we will be the worse for it. As such, whether the JLP or the PNP, everything must be done to rid our politics of criminals and criminality.

What is needed is firm, decisive action, and an influx of decent, committed, law-abiding and patriotic persons who are prepared to excoriate all forms of criminality from our political process.

Delano Franklyn is an attorney-at-law. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com and delanofranklyn@gmail.com.