Elizabeth Morgan | CARICOM trapped between Venezuela and the USA

OVER THE last few years, this column has addressed the relationships between CARICOM and Venezuela, CARICOM and the USA, and within this hemisphere generally. CARICOM’s foreign policy was also addressed, principled or transactional. Having looked at these relationships and positions, it is the view from this column that the CARICOM countries have been pawns in the quest for influence by both Venezuela and the USA.

CARICOM/VENEZUELA RELATIONS

In 1962, Venezuela resumed its claim of a significant portion of the territory of British Guiana, rejecting the 1899 settlement. Note that Venezuela was a significant source of oil imports from Caribbean territories, and was then an affluent country and US ally.

Jamaica became independent in August 1962 and established diplomatic relations with Venezuela in 1965. Jamaica also had a historic tie with the country through the liberator, Simón Bolivar, who took refuge there in 1815. Trinidad and Tobago also became independent in 1962 and quickly established diplomatic relations with Venezuela. Given their proximity and common coloniser in Spain, there was a close relationship between the islands of Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela. The relationship continued under British rule with some territorial disputes. People moved freely, and both had oil resources.

Guyana became independent and established diplomatic relations with Venezuela in 1966. Barbados also became independent in 1966 and established diplomatic relations with Venezuela in 1969. All other CARICOM countries, on independence, established diplomatic relations quite quickly with Venezuela.

The Venezuela/Guyana border issue remained active with Venezuela blocking Guyana’s membership of the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1967 and supporting an uprising in the disputed region in 1969. Under pressure, Venezuela agreed to a 12 year moratorium in the dispute in 1970 under the Protocol of Port of Spain. In 1981, Venezuela refused to extend this moratorium. Relations improved under subsequent Venezuelan presidencies. Venezuela actually supported Guyana’s membership to the OAS in 1990. Nevertheless, they maintained their claim to Guyana’s territory.

In spite of Venezuela’s continuing territorial claim and flare ups, CARICOM countries continued to view this country as a friend. Oil was the hook.

PETROCARIBE

When the socialist Hugo Chavez became president of Venezuela in 1999, he made some effort to further improve the relationship with Guyana, accepting mediation for the border issue through the United Nations. He did not, however, rescind Venezuela’s claim. Chavez sought also to improve the relationship with CARICOM countries generally, extending Venezuela’s influence, by establishing the PetroCaribe scheme, which provided petroleum to these countries on concessionary terms. This was a very helpful programme to the countries facing high petroleum prices and balance of payments issues. These countries forged a closer link with Venezuela and some became members of Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) formed by Chavez as he sought to counter US influence in the region. Venezuela’s agenda was aimed at increasing its influence in the Caribbean region.

AVES OR BIRD ISLAND

It is interesting to note that Dominica had claimed a small island, called Bird or Aves Island, 70 miles off its coast in the Caribbean Sea, which is of strategic importance. Venezuela, which is 350 miles away, was also claiming this island to improve its access into the Caribbean Sea. Note that in 2006, following a high level visit to Venezuela, the Dominican government relinquished its longstanding claim to Bird/Aves Island stating that it belonged to Venezuela.

ENTER MADURO

Hugo Chavez died in 2012 and was succeeded by Nicolás Maduro. From about the 2010s, oil was discovered from explorations in Guyana’s disputed Essequibo region. Venezuelan aggression increased. This border issue was referred to the International Court of Justice in 2018. The 2018 presidential elections in Venezuela, which saw Maduro declared the winner, was disputed. A crisis ensued between 2019 and 2023 as the matter was deliberated in the OAS. The USA supported Juan Guìdo as the legitimate leader of Venezuela and CARICOM countries were forced to take sides, whether supporting Maduro or the USA and its preferred presidential candidate. This was when the divergences in CARICOM foreign policy showed. Some countries maintained loyalty to Maduro and some went in the direction of the USA. It was at this point that Jamaica closed its embassy in Venezuela and its relationship with that country cooled.

TRAPPED

CARICOM has found itself with divided loyalties to Venezuela and the USA. Countries, in the view of this column, were courted by Venezuela to fulfil its own strategic plan. Of course, as customary, the USA has endeavoured to have the countries toe its line.

Today, CARICOM countries are trapped between Venezuela and the USA as US military forces are massed in the southern Caribbean and the view is that their real mission is regime change in Venezuela, not combating drug trafficking.

Now it is being assessed which side CARICOM countries are supporting. The position of Trinidad and Tobago seems very clear. They are with the USA, no matter the likely external consequences. Guyana has no choice in the matter, as they have to be on the side that protects their territorial integrity. Others are trying to play neutral as they have benefited from Venezuela’s largesse and continue to be members of ALBA. Counties also do not want to attract US ire. There is now speculation about the position of the new government in St Vincent and the Grenadines.

As President Trump declared the air space above and around Venezuela closed and it is reported that he issued an ultimatum to President Maduro, the hope of this column is that a war will not break out with CARICOM countries becoming collateral damage and the region being destabilised, making it definitely not a zone of peace. Reflections here remain, what if ... and who next.

Elizabeth Morgan is a specialist in international trade policy and international politics. Send feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com