Editorial | The EU’s homework

In a May 9 speech celebrating Europe Day and in a subsequent op-ed column in this newspaper, Erja Askola, the European Union’s ambassador to Jamaica, stressed the EU’s desire to deepen its half-century-old relationship with the island.

“Let me say this clearly: we do not see Jamaica only as a partner in need,” Ambassador Askola said in her remarks at the Europe Day function. “We see Jamaica as a partner of potential and as a partner of solutions. And we see Jamaica as a key political ally that advocates with us for respect for international law, multilateralism, and higher ambition for climate action.

“We want to take that partnership to the next level — stronger politically and economically, closer strategically, and deeper among our peoples. This is not only lip service; we are already acting on this promise.”

The diplomat reaffirmed and expanded on these ideas in her Sunday article, set against the backdrop of heightened geopolitical tensions, diminishing respect for international law, economic volatility, and a worsening climate crisis.

“Against this backdrop, it can be tempting for countries to retreat inward or lose faith in multilateralism, the rules-based international order, and global cooperation,” Ambassador Askola wrote. “Yet there is another story unfolding, grounded in partnership, shared values, and resilience. Jamaica is part of that story.”

The Gleaner’s editorial board takes Ambassador Askola at her word regarding the EU’s stated commitment to deepening its strategic partnership with Jamaica. That is an important first step.

However, several issues require greater clarity — not least the European Union’s vision of the global order: whether it believes the current system remains viable or salvageable, and, if not, what a new order should look like.

In that regard, it would be useful for the EU, as part of its strategic visioning, to outline where countries like Jamaica should be positioned in any emerging global order and how that architecture should be developed.

Further, while bilateral engagements are important, if the EU’s agenda is to be genuinely inclusive of small states’ interests, it must involve deeper and broader dialogue with regional partners on global reform within the framework of the Samoa Agreement between the EU and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS).

At the regional level, such engagement must begin with CARIFORUM and, in particular, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the 15-member integration grouping that forms its core, and with which the EU has the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA).

The EU’s economic and energy disengagement from Russia following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine has been painful for Europe. The loss of cheap Russian oil and gas, coupled with the technological and industrial rise of China, is accelerating Europe’s deindustrialisation. It remains unclear whether the EU has a coherent response to this crisis.

Further, the return of Donald Trump to the US presidency — and his dismantling of the post-World War II international order — has compounded Europe’s challenges. The US president has unilaterally imposed tariffs on allies and adversaries alike and has threatened to withdraw America’s security umbrella from Europe and NATO.

Largely, Europe has struggled to respond to what Mark Carney, Canada’s prime minister, described at Davos in January as “the rupture” of the existing world order.

While EU members have increased defence spending and sought new trade agreements, it has yet to determine how to position itself in this shifting environment, or whether it intends to join Mr Carney’s proposed alliance of “middle powers” to ensure they retain a place “at the table” rather than find themselves “on the menu”.

Mr Carney acknowledged an uncomfortable truth: the narrative of the international order now in rupture was “partially false”, and its rules and international law were applied inconsistently, depending on the identity of the accused and the victim.

Middle powers benefited most; smaller and weaker states received only limited protection.

If Ambassador Askola’s remarks are to amount to more than rhetoric, the EU must commit to a genuine and transparent partnership aimed at shaping a more inclusive global order — one that redesigns international institutions so that poorer countries have a real voice and equitable outcomes in trade, global financing, and climate justice.

The Samoa Agreement, which governs the EU’s relationship with 79 OACPS countries, affirms in Article 78 a commitment to a rules-based international order, with multilateralism at its core.

The agreement states that parties “shall promote international dialogue and seek multilateral solutions to drive global action forward”.

These principles remain sound, even if their application has often been flawed. Article 78 provides a foundation for dialogue toward a fairer order. The EU should begin that conversation with its Caribbean — and other — partners