Byron Blake | The Caribbean in a vortex: are there pathways out?

The Caribbean is caught in a vortex. This was recognised by the CARICOM Heads of Government at the recently concluded 48th meeting of the conference in Barbados. The heads identified, as among elements of the world wind:

1. Global change and uncertainty.

2. Climate change and variability.

3. Crime and violence.

4. Agricultural production and food insecurity.

5. Trade and trade policy.

6. Information technology including artificial intelligence

The number of elements in the storm is frightening. The challenge is to find a pathway out. We were pleasantly surprised that the Heads implicitly acknowledged that the Region must paddle together in the same direction. The Conference took two important initiatives. First, the leaders spent much of their time in Caucus where they could discuss the issues fully and frankly. Second, they decided to revisit how they will ensure the timely and full implementation of regional decisions. Tardy or non-implementation of urgent regional decisions has been the Achilles heel of our integration experiment.

In announcing the review of the 2003 Rose Hall Declaration on “Regional Governance and Integrated Development,” Prime Minister Mottley emphasised on at least two occasions that this is an arrangement among Sovereign States. These were the exact terms in which former Prime Minister and chair of the 24th Meeting of the Conference in Rose Hall Montego Bay introduced the issue. The movement is not a federation or even a confederation. It is, therefore, by definition, an arrangement among states with the ability or permission to commit. After 51 years, this statement is an open hatch to those who do not wish to commit. Given the absolute need to move together outlined by the Chair, the point to be emphasised is that these are Sovereign States which have committed to sharing their Sovereignty for mutual survival.

RECOGNISED DANGERS

The leaders recognised the dangers in the current uncertain and rapidly evolving global man-determined environment. They have wisely decided to strategise and prepare without waiting for clarity. It is the time to close the hatch while remaining fully alert. It is a time when their unity could be tested if their populations come under pressure or if some are strategically targeted and pressured.

Violent and transnational crime was identified as an issue that can no longer be treated as a national matter. It is a big, multidimensional, multinational business. It is highly organised and well-protected. As a very sensitive area, I know that much of what was discussed could not be revealed, but what has, seemed focused on regional legislation. We ask whether we will all implement any regional legislation agreed upon. And realistically, do we have the capacity at the national level? If not, can we build a regional capacity? Here, we have a real starting point. Barbados, the Eastern Caribbean Islands, and Guyana have the Regional Security System (RSS) with over 25 years of operational experience. With conviction matching their words, it should not be difficult for Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago to join the RSS.

Given the capacity and geographic spread of the criminal networks, there is a need for wider systematic collaboration. Here, the admission of Martinique as an Associate Member of the Community should provide a basis for seeking the cooperation of France. In addition, the recent admission of Curaçao to Associateship and the longstanding participation of the four British dependencies should be firm bases for seeking the involvement of the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, not as providers of assistance but a part of their vital responsibility. There was a Canadian presence at the Conference. Canada has been assisting with Caribbean integration since the West Indies Federation. Canada has real-time information on the movement of every vessel in the Caribbean Sea. In a structured collaborative security process, Canada could be encouraged to contribute such information.

What about the United States? The United States, with Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands, and, as the major destination for narcotics and the source of the guns and ammunition has been involved mainly through its Southern Command. This has often been perceived in the United States as assistance to the Caribbean. The CARICOM Governments should be clear that this is United States investment protecting United States interests.

TWO OTHER PRIORITIES

We address two other priorities identified by the conference.

First, food production and food insecurity. The Region’s food import bill is estimated to exceed Six Billion United States Dollars (US$6 billion) with all the countries except Belize and Guyana as net food importers. With climate change and the anticipated increases in hurricanes, floods, and droughts, things are likely to get worse. Furthermore, with similar conditions in many food-producing countries across the globe, including the United States of America, prices are likely to increase, supplies constrained. The Conference appropriately focussed on this issue. Irfaan Ali, president of Guyana, reported progress with the “25 by 2025” Food and Nutrition Security Initiative, citing a 24 per cent increase in food production, several projects developed, and the formulation of a “holistic framework”. In congratulating themselves, Leaders might remind themselves that when the Regional Food Import Bill reached $1 billion Eastern Caribbean Dollars (US$400 million approximately) in 1974, their predecessors demanded a plan and a strategy to address a major challenge. The Region was a major net exporter of agricultural products. They were concerned about the security of food for their people. By April 1976, after one Regular and one Special Meeting, they had agreed on a Corporation, the Caribbean Food Corporation, to undertake production and marketing; restructured the University-based agriculture research arrangement into the autonomous Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CARDI), and agreed on a suite of large production projects for implementation across the Region with a focus on Belize and Guyana with their extensive fertile land resources.

The leaders addressed the existential challenge for all states of the region, climate change. Not much was reported on the outcome of those discussions. We hope that this was because the discussions focussed on the strategy for participating in upcoming regional, hemispheric, and international meetings to have clear, enforceable decisions, strategies, and plans to get the average increase in preindustrial global temperatures back below the long agreed 1.5 degrees Celsius. No promise and no other decision should receive the affirmative or even passive support of the Caribbean.

Ambassador Byron Blake is former deputy permanent representative of Jamaica to the United Nations and former assistant secretary general of CARICOM. Send feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com